There is only one way for the GOP to defeat the new and improved coalition of voters loyal — or leaning — to the Democrats and win the White House in 2016 and beyond: remake the map.

Conventional wisdom has settled on Democrats coming into a presidential contest with 243 electoral votes, 37 ahead of the Republican starting number of 206. It takes 270 to win. In 2012, Mitt Romney won only the GOP starting tally of 206.

The Establishment is looking to improved GOP performance in Latino-heavy states like Nevada, New Mexico and Colorado to even the mathematical field and replace states slipping away from its grasp like New Hampshire and Virginia. Latino voters have swung heavily into the Democrat column in recent national contests, securing the increasingly leftward party’s coalition of minority and youth voters.

President Obama won the demographic by 44 points in 2012 and by 36 points in 2008, according to exit polling collected by the Roper Center at Cornell University. The trend and the underlying sense point to futility in the GOP Establishment effort to win over the group.

Establishment thinkers point to President George W. Bush winning 44 percent of Latino voters in 2004 as evidence the demographic is more naturally close to even in the presidential field, and can be won over to the GOP side. But Leftwing, government-driven economies dominate the central and southern nations of the Western Hemisphere, and that is no coincidence. Left-leaning economic tendencies in Latino culture are partially driven by a regional focus of the Catholic Church on social justice above orthodoxy and issues of morality.

The divergence in focus from German Pope Benedict to Argentinian Pope Francis is the perfect model for the different cultural priorities of the Latino world.

Bush was possibly more acceptable to Latinos because the former Texas governor had no problem with big government, and was easier to trust than blue-blooded New England elitist John Kerry, who was a Massachusetts U.S. senator.

Looking to 2016, the Establishment has no real plan to accomplish a coup of Latino voters, and to overcome a natural cultural affinity towards the Left, other than to nominate a Latino candidate with a weak position on illegal immigration. The GOP needs a different avenue to reshape the electoral map, and the obvious answer is begging to be recognized amid unprecedented anguish, and disillusionment.

The once proud blue-collar, largely white, voters of the industrial Midwest have seen their loyalty to Democrats via organized labor dissipate as quickly as their jobs. Hit hard by the recession, recovery in the industrial heartland has been largely nonexistent as lopsided trade arrangements like NAFTA have shifted the automobile industry and other key manufacturing sectors overseas.

The Detroit metropolitan area alone lost 323,400 jobs from 2005 to 2015, according to a June report released by IHS Global Insights and the U.S. Conference of Mayors. Michigan as a whole saw its entire workforce reduced by 25 percent.

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That suffering in heavily industrial states was compounded by budget crises and crushing taxation, liberal state policies born of Democrat rule backed by union power. The economic decline of manufacturing has begun a real shift in the voting habits of the largely white, blue-collar working class in these states. Republicans have won massive victories in the industrial Midwest, taking the state governments of Wisconsin, Michigan, and Ohio, and winning the governor’s seat in all three states.

Ohio, a must-win for the White House, went for Obama twice, but only by a meager average of 3.5 percent. A whopping 62 percent of Ohioans identify as working class, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation, and the state has an 80 percent white population, compared to just 3 percent identified as Latino.

Wisconsin and Michigan share similar demographics with Ohio. The heavily blue-collar states are also largely white, working class, and have very small populations of Latinos, just 8 and 6 percent, respectively. Those two states also account for 26 electoral votes, a bigger prize than the combined 20 votes of Establishment eyed Colorado, Nevada and New Mexico.

Despite the infamous “47 percent” gaffe, Romney was still able to increase his performance among the type of voters who dominate Ohio, Wisconsin, and Michigan. Romney increased his share of blue-collar men by 5 percent, and blue-collar women by 3 percent over Arizona Sen. John McCain’s 2008 performance.

Nationally, Romney, not exactly the hero of the working class, won two-thirds of the blue-collar vote. That leaves an entire third of the demographic, already trending GOP, up for grabs by Republicans if they harness the frustrations, anguish and interests of the working class.

A seismic shift of party loyalty happened much faster in the microcosm of West Virginia. The state is a terrible ode to the suffering of middle America. Regulatory assault first silenced the plastics and chemical industry in the state, and President Obama’s War on Coal has brought true, and lasting suffering.

The state legislature became controlled by the GOP for the first time in eight decades and the West Virginia delegation in Congress reversed from 5-1 Democrat, to 5-1 Republican. Republicans won all three of the state’s congressional seats for the first time since 1921.

The suffering has been less swift, and somewhat less dramatic, in the industrial heartland than in West Virginia, but the same dynamics are present. A major shift of the once-labor aligned states most betrayed by Washington, D.C., into the Republican column under the banner of populism could revive the GOP as a presidential party and sustain Republican chances into the next generation.

The GOP can win on the strong promise of putting American workers first, and rebuilding the manufacturing backbone of the nation, not by becoming Democrat-light on immigration, and maintaining the Establishment status quo.